An interview with
Steven T. Rosenthal


Book Cover In Irreconcilable Differences? The Waning of the American Jewish Love Affair with Israel, Steven T. Rosenthal shows that one of the most dramatic changes within the American Jewish community over the last two decades has been the dissolution of the former consensus on Israel. Although the breakdown of the peace process and the resulting civic unrest have rallied American Jews to the support of Israel in recent months, this very new-found solidarity at the same time highlights the degree to which the American Jewish consensus on Israel has deteriorated. Where American Jews were once virtually unanimous in their support of Israel and its policies, in more recent years they have sometimes been among its most vocal critics.

We asked Professor Rosenthal to address the current situation in Israel in the light of his book’s thesis.

In the epilogue to your book, you note that while the current crisis has naturally rallied American Jewish opinion to the support of Israel, even still, the fundamental nature of that support will never again be rooted in the sort of consensus that once existed. Can you offer any examples or illustrations that show how American Jewish opinion on Israel is still divided, even if those divisions are, for the time being, muted?

After the first moments of shock and disillusionment the “peace camp” has begun to speak out, maintaining that the hard line of the new majority provides no blueprint for ending the conflict. The reform movement’s Union of American Hebrew Congregations is in the process of launching a campaign to educate American Jews about the sources of Palestinian anger.

At the very heart of organized American Jewry, the Conference of Presidents of Major American Jewish Organizations was bitterly divided over the decision of its chairman, Ronald Lauder, to speak (as an individual) at a Jerusalem rally demanding the continued unity of the capital city. As a result, the Conference passed resolutions forbidding the chairman to comment on issues without the approval of its constituent organizations.

What comparisons can be drawn between American Jewish responses to the current Intifada and the responses to the Six-Day War? To the Palestinian Intifada of 1987? What conclusions can you draw from these comparisons?

The unexpected magnitude of Israel’s victory in the Six-Day War transformed the psyche of American Jews from depression and fear to unbounded euphoria. The second Intifada of the autumn of 2000 and the collapse of the peace process has had the reverse effect. A wary but seemingly realistic optimism has been supplanted by anger at the Palestinians, depression over the violence and pessimism concerning peace. So strong are those emotions that Israel’s tough response to the recent Palestinian violence has, in contrast to her actions during the first Intifada, evoked very little American Jewish anguish. Even Israel’s recent policy of assassinating Palestinian leaders has resulted in very little protest from American Jews.

How has the election of Ariel Sharon affected the unity of American Jewish opinion? Do American Jews see him as a polarizing figure? If so, would the formation of a coalition government mitigate this perception?

Sharon’s hawkish past and his association with the 1982 invasion of Lebanon, particularly the Sabra and Chatilla massacres, make him no less of a polarizing figure among American Jews then among Israelis. But, given the strength of American Jewish disillusionment with the peace process and the perceived threat to Israel’s security, his election has not as yet resulted in the growth of much American Jewish disunity. Fearing his potential extremism the American Jewish establishment, especially the Conference of Presidents, has been working to encourage the formation of a national unity government.

Of the various dynamics and disagreements that have helped to dissolve the American Jewish consensus on Israel, which do you think are the most likely to re-emerge (or perhaps are already re-emerging) as the conditions of the Intifada become the fabric of daily life?

Despite Sharon’s recent disclaimers, his—and the right’s—ultimate desire to expand Jewish settlements on the West Bank may in the future do much to alienate American Jews. It is also likely that if Sharon engages in massive retaliation against Palestinian acts of terror, many American Jews will perceive his actions as both immoral and counterproductive.

The American media, as it inevitably does, has scaled back its coverage of the daily realities of the Intifada. Do you think the American Jewish media is also likely to turn its attention back to more domestic concerns (even if not to the same degree)? With what effect or significance?

The American Jewish media will concentrate on the Intifada and the consequent security risks to Israel as long as possible. Israel’s security is of paramount importance to American Jews. Moreover, concentrating on threats to Israel is psychologically comforting, invoking the “good old days” when American Jews all knew what their relationship was to Israel and what tasks they should pursue. Emphasizing Jewish domestic concerns is less attractive to the popular Jewish media since these concerns are not as dramatic and involve grappling with the vexing questions of Jewish identity, meaning and ultimate fate in America.

Are there any other insights into the current situation to be gleaned from the history of the relationship between American Jews and Israel?

The failure of the Palestinians to grasp Israel’s proffered olive branch as well as the violence and malevolence of their rejection has ensured that at least in the short run American Jews will not act as a peace lobby against the Israeli government as many did during the Netanyahu administration. Palestinian rejectionism has also made it unlikely that the world or the United States will apply the kind of pressure upon Israel that has historically caused American Jews to rally reflexively around the Jewish state. Between these two extremes American Jews will, on the basis of the knowledge, independence and sophistication that they have developed during the last two decades, respond to both the Sharon government and the unpromising diplomatic conditions which helped bring it about.



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